Prisoners without conscience: The terrorists Israel is releasing in exchange for hostages

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On the morning of August 10, 2001, four Israeli schoolgirls were driving back to the religious kibbutz Meirav in northern Israel. Near the entrance, in a grove planted by the Jewish National Fund, Palestinian militants lay in ambush. A 29-year-old gunman, Othman Abu-Khoroj, opened fire on the car. Three of the girls, aged 14 to 17, were wounded, while 17-year-old Aliza Malka was killed on the spot.

“That attack shattered the illusion we lived in — we thought we had good relations with our neighbors,” recalled Ran Ben-Nun, chairman of the kibbutz board, years later in an interview with Israel Hayom.

Meirav had a candle factory where residents of nearby Palestinian villages worked. Following Aliza’s murder, the factory shut down, and later, a fence was erected between the kibbutz and Palestinian territories.

Abu-Khoroj was quickly captured, tried, and sentenced to life in prison. Now however, in line with the Israel-Hamas deal, he is expected to walk free within a matter of weeks.

The Israeli nonprofit Palestinian Media Watch, which tracks incitement in Palestinian media, listed Abu-Khoroj among 80 of the most brutal terrorists set to be released in the first phase of the Israel-Hamas agreement. In total, Israel is set to free 735 Palestinian prisoners in this phase. The releases are happening gradually, with groups of three or four Israeli hostages — who were taken on Oct. 7, 2023 — being exchanged at a time. For each female soldier returned, Israel has released 50 Palestinian prisoners.

Among these Palestinians, some have no blood on their hands — for example, those serving sentences for incitement and supporting terrorism. However, 171 convicted terrorists sentenced to one or more life terms have already been released.

A bus packed with schoolchildren

In Israel, courts typically hand down a life sentence for every person killed in a terrorist attack. In some cases, additional life terms are added for cumulative offenses. For instance, Hamas-affiliated brothers Fahmi and Ramadan Mashahara, from East Jerusalem, were each sentenced to 20 life terms for orchestrating a bombing that killed 19 people and injured 70 more on June 18, 2002. A suicide bomber detonated the explosive after the Mashahara brothers planned and executed the attack to maximize casualties.

The explosion occurred during the morning rush hour on Jerusalem bus number 32, which was “packed with schoolchildren and office workers,” as the Daily Mail reported at the time.

“Bodies were piled up near the right-side door of the bus. I pulled out the bodies of two girls and a man. I can’t forget one of the girls — her long braid trailing down her back,” recalled Shalom Sabag, an eyewitness to the attack. He had been driving past when the explosion happened and immediately stopped to help the wounded.

The Palestinian authorities did not approve of the attack. Palestinian politician and diplomat Saeb Erekat told journalists that “the Palestinian Authority condemns this attack and reiterates its position of rejecting the killing of civilians, both Palestinian and Israeli.”

The terrorists did not remain free for long — by September, just three months after the attack, both organizers were arrested and put on trial. Later, however, pro-Palestinian media began referring to the Mashahara brothers as “political prisoners.”

In prison, Fahmi was supported by his wife. During his incarceration, she even gave birth to two more daughters using sperm that the terrorist secretly smuggled out during a visitation. Sperm smuggling is a fairly common practice among Palestinian prisoners.

The Mashahara brothers were also included on the list for release on Jan. 25, 2025. Along with 188 other convicts, they were exchanged for four female IDF soldiers: Daniela Gilboa, Naama Levi, Karina Ariev, and Liri Elbag.

Initially, the plan was to separate the brothers — Ramadan was to be deported to Egypt, while Fahmi would return home to Jerusalem. This sparked serious concern in Israel given his experience as a terrorist attack organizer, explained Maurice Hirsch, former military prosecutor for Judea and Samaria and head of the Initiative for Palestinian Authority Accountability and Reform. In an interview with The Insider, Hirsch said:

“People like this are dangerous. They can immediately return to terrorism, and they must not be allowed back into Jerusalem. There is a common misconception that terrorists want to die. That’s not true. Many of them want to live long lives and keep sending more and more suicide bombers.”

In the end, the plans changed, and both brothers were deported to Egypt.

A cafe for liberals and supporters of peace

For 26-year-old waitress Tali Eliyahu, Saturday, Mar. 9, 2002, was her first day on the job at Moment, a Jerusalem café. She started her shift in the evening and was scheduled to work just two hours before heading home. Even at the height of the Second Palestinian Intifada, the place seemed safe — it was located just across the street from the heavily guarded residence of the prime minister. But at 10:30 p.m., a young Palestinian entered the café with a bomb hidden under his leather jacket.

Tali and ten café patrons were killed instantly. Another 54 people were wounded, ten of them critically. Given the number of people inside, surviving such an explosion was nearly impossible.

The café was a gathering spot for young, liberal, and non-religious Jerusalemites, The Guardian wrote two days after the attack. That same Saturday evening, near Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s residence, Israelis had held their usual demonstration calling for peace with the Palestinians. As the protest ended, participants rolled up their banners and headed to their favorite café. Had they arrived a little earlier, the death toll would have been even higher.

The direct perpetrator of the attack was a 22-year-old suicide bomber, a student in a teacher training program. However, the attack was planned and organized by the so-called Silwan cell of Hamas, named after the East Jerusalem neighborhood where it was based.

The group was responsible for two more high-profile attacks. In May 2002, another suicide bomber under their direction detonated himself in the Sheffield billiards club in Rishon LeZion, near Tel Aviv, killing 15 people. On July 31 of the same year, an explosion rocked the cafeteria of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, killing nine students.

A university employee, Jerusalem Arab Muhammad Odeh, helped plant the bomb in the cafeteria. Odeh is a rare example of a repentant terrorist — after his arrest, he expressed regret for his actions. At the time, the husband of one of the victims, Maurice Harris-Gershon, met with Odeh’s family in Silwan, came to terms with his loss, and later wrote a memoir about the encounter.

On Jan. 25 of this year, Muhammad Odeh was released as part of the “hostage deal.” Along with him, two unrepentant organizers of the bombings — Wael Qassem and Wissam al-Abbasi, who had been serving 35 and 26 life sentences, respectively — were also freed.

Looking for a crowd to throw a grenade at

Thursday, Nov. 28, 2002, was a rainy day in northern Israel. Two terrorists drove around the town of Beit She’an looking for a gathering of people before settling on the local branch of Likud. The right-of-center party was holding its primaries at the time, with future Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu challenging incumbent Ariel Sharon.

“I wasn’t interested in the Likud branch,” the mastermind behind the attack, Zakaria Zubeidi, head of the Jenin terrorist underground, told Israeli journalists three years later. “They went out on the first day, searched all of Beit She’an, and found no one on the streets. They returned the next day, saw a crowd, started shooting, and only afterward did we realize it was Likud.”

At first, Gadi Zadeh, one of the founders of Likud’s local branch, did not pay much attention to the two young Arabs stepping out of a Mazda. Beit She’an is close to the border with Palestinian territories, and Arabs are a common sight there.

“Four minutes later, one of them suddenly throws a grenade toward the party office. It flies over my head and explodes. One starts firing in all directions, while the other shoots directly at the building,” Zadeh recalled 18 years after the tragedy.

Zadeh himself was struck by a burst of gunfire. The terrorist approached to check if he was still alive and fired four more bullets into his legs. Doctors fought for his life for several weeks, performing 18 surgeries. Zadeh then endured four years of rehabilitation.

In total, 34 people were injured, with the guard at the party office and five random passersby killed. The situation could have been much worse had Major Eran David, a border police officer, not rushed to the scene in response to the gunshots. He had come to Beit She’an for the day to prepare for his wedding. The officer grabbed a rifle, rushed to the Likud office, and shot both militants dead.

Zakaria Zubeidi, who orchestrated the massacre, admitted in an interview that he didn't regret sending his suicide bombers to their deaths. They come to him willingly, and there are many volunteers. The only thing left to do is check whether they are the sole breadwinners in their families. If not — welcome to the ranks of the martyrs.

In 2007, Zubeidi was granted amnesty as part of an agreement with the Palestinian Authority. To Palestinians, he became a heroic figure, a “symbol of the intifada.” He renounced armed struggle, engaged in politics, and talked about the importance of peaceful methods — only to take up violence once again. It all ended when he was arrested in 2019 for shooting at an Israeli bus amid a series of other attacks.

Zubeidi was released on Feb. 1, 2025, as part of the deal with Hamas. Although his sentence wasn't the harshest, he is considered one of the most dangerous Palestinians released in the exchange.

All terrorists pose a threat, and the degree of their danger doesn’t necessarily correlate with the number of people they’ve killed, explains former military prosecutor Hirsch:

“What matters more is the ideological drive they carry. A good example is Yahya Sinwar. He didn't kill thirty people, just four. They were Palestinians suspected of collaborating with Israel.”

It was Sinwar, in 2023, who became the main organizer of the October 7 massacre.

Blowing up a symbol of Jewish-Arab friendship

The seaside restaurant Maxim in the city of Haifa looks like any other Israeli establishment these days: at the counter by the exit, there are newspapers with large portraits of hostages on the front page. In the hall, a few diners are engrossed by their mobile phones, reading about the release of three hostages held by Hamas and Islamic Jihad. In exchange for their freedom, Sami Jaradat, who in October 2003 organized a suicide bombing at this very restaurant — resulting in the death of 21 Israelis — is set to be released from prison today. The youngest of the victims was only two months old.

The restaurant staff refuses to discuss the matter with journalists: “The owners don't want to talk about it.” The owners are a Jewish man and an Arab Christian. Maxim has always been an example of Arab-Israeli friendship. It is still visited by representatives from all the city's communities. In that attack, not only 18 Jews were killed, but also three Arabs.

The bombing was carried out by a 28-year-old female suicide bomber from Jenin. On that Saturday, she entered the very center of the dining hall and detonated herself near large tables where two families, including grandmothers, grandfathers, and children, were eating.

At one of those tables sat Oren Almog. That day, he lost his grandmother and grandfather, his father, and several cousins. His mother, sister, and aunt were injured. And the boy himself was completely blinded. He was 10 years old at the time.

Oren did not break. Despite his blindness, he excelled in his studies, seriously pursued sailing, and even served in the army before founding his own business. One of the goals of his life is to fight against the financial support that the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) provides to terrorists with blood on their hands. The PNA manages two funds that pay money to terrorists injured or arrested as a result of operations against Israel, as well as to the relatives of militants who are killed in battle. The income of a suicide bomber’s family or the family of a terrorist organizer significantly exceeds the average salary of Palestinians, making terrorism financially rewarding.

In 2017, Oren delivered a report to the UN on this issue.

“In 2016 alone, the Palestinian Authority invested $303 million in terrorism. $86,000 went directly to those responsible for the death of my family. Those who believe in the value of human life must act. We can change this,” Oren Almog stated from the podium.

On Jan. 30, 2025, Sami Jarradat of “Islamic Jihad,” who had served 21 life sentences for organizing the explosion at the Maxim restaurant in Haifa, was released. Notably, Oren Almog supported the deal.

“The fact that the terrorist who killed my family will be set free causes deep pain, even breaks my heart,” he said in an interview with Algemeiner. “But at the same time, I know that even today — especially today — I must set aside my personal pain and focus on the meaning of this deal. And the meaning is clear: we are bringing our hostages home, and that is the only thing that matters.”

Oren's family was also affected by the attacks of October 7. That day, terrorists killed his relatives Nadav and Yam Almog-Goldstein, who lived in the Kfar Aza kibbutz in southern Israel. Hen Almog-Goldstein and her children Agam, Gal, and Tal were kidnapped and taken to Gaza. All four were released in November 2023 as part of the first prisoner exchange deal with Hamas.

“This is a bad deal, a very bad one. But the alternative is even worse,” Oren states, adding that he hopes for a tougher and more decisive fight against terrorism in the future. “I don't want us to end up in a vicious circle, releasing terrorists only for them to return to terror, and then repeating the process over and over.”

What the terrorists will do next

Many of those released as part of the prisoner exchange deal at the end of 2023 have already returned to terrorism. At the time the agreement was reached, it was presented as the release of “Palestinian women and children” from Israeli prisons. Children, in this case, were considered to be anyone under the age of 19 — Hamas and “Islamic Jihad” are more than willing to give automatic rifles even to 16-year-olds.

This week, journalist Amit Segal, who is close to the Israeli security forces, published the following data: of the 152 Palestinians released in 2023 and returned to Judea and Samaria, 33 have already been re-arrested for terrorism, and four were killed during Israeli operations.

At one time, the “Almagor” organization for victims of terrorism conducted an investigation and concluded that 80% of released terrorists return to their activities. Now, an even higher figure is most frequently cited — 82%. During a recent discussion of the prisoner exchange deal in the Israeli government, Ronen Bar, the head of the Shin Bet (internal security service), cited this figure. As Maurice Hirsch explains:

“From my own experience, I can say that by 2016, over 50% of the terrorists released in the Schalit deal had returned to terrorism. I myself sent them back to prison. Now, 47 of those I imprisoned have been released again.”

At the end of 2011, Israel freed 1,027 prisoners in exchange for the release of kidnapped IDF soldier Gilad Schalit, who had spent more than five years in Hamas captivity. The Palestinians in question were responsible for the deaths of a total of 569 Israeli citizens, but their list of victims was wider than that. As part of the Schalit deal, Yahya Sinwar, who had been imprisoned for killing Palestinians, was also released.

By agreeing to the Schalit exchange, Israel set a condition that, if released criminals returned to terrorism, they would be required to serve their previous sentences. In 2025, Hamas secured a promise from Israel not to pursue released individuals for previous charges. Hirsch adds:

“This means that these people are not restricted in any way and are not afraid to return to prison. I believe that none of the promises made to terrorists should limit us. But I don't think the government has the political will to break these promises. We certainly know what will happen now. Just take any previous deal and see that it triggered a new wave of terrorism. There’s no reason to believe that this time will be different. So, January 19 is not only the start of a ceasefire, but also the beginning of the countdown to the next massacre.”

However, to reduce the likelihood of recidivism, the bloodiest terrorists are being deported abroad. Egypt accepts them, after which the killers may be transferred to Qatar, Turkey, or other countries friendly to the Palestinians. It is crucial to monitor deported terrorists in order to ensure they do not return to Gaza, insists Hirsch:

“They can easily pass through the Rafah checkpoint and return to terrorism. Some are even returned to their place of residence, such as East Jerusalem. I have long advocated for the revocation of Israeli citizenship or permanent residency for released terrorists. Unfortunately, such a decision has not been made yet. This time, 75 criminals will be released, and they have the right to live in Israel.”

Cases in which released terrorists publicly renounce terrorism are rare. Until recently, the most notable example was Mohammed Massad, a former Fatah militant. After serving seven years in prison, he became a proponent of peaceful coexistence and has called for sanctions against the Palestinian National Authority for financially supporting terrorists.

Unexpectedly, Mohammed Al-Tous, who was released on Feb. 1, also emerged as an advocate for non-violent struggle. In an interview with Al-Arabiya, he condemned Hamas, stating, “Today, I tell my grandchildren not to go down the path of attacks and resistance.”

At 69 years old, Al-Tous is the oldest of the prisoners released in the recent wave. He served forty years in prison and is highly respected among Palestinians.

Two other Palestinian terrorists, who are scheduled to be sent to the Gaza Strip on Jan. 25, refused to leave prison. One was convinced to comply, while the other had to be replaced at the last moment.

The reasons behind their refusal are not entirely clear. During the previous exchange in November 2023, Palestinian Abu Sanima also rejected release — primarily for financial reasons, as he would lose the money he received from the Palestinian Authority if freed. Nevertheless, Abu Sanima was released from prison despite his objections.